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The HPBA has petitioned the SRC( image source ) The Harare Province Boxing Association (HPBA) has formally petitioned the Sports and Recreation Commission (SRC) over what it describes as a “skewed” election framework for the upcoming Zimbabwe Boxing Federation (ZBF) board polls. In a letter dated 8 August and copied to the ZBF, HPBA secretary Kingston Jokonya and chair Kambuyi Thomas argued that the nomination window—less than seven days and closing on 15 August—effectively disenfranchises credible contenders. They contend that this timeline undermines the spirit, if not the letter, of the ZBF constitution, and have urged the SRC to intervene, extend nomination deadlines, and enforce constitutional compliance. ZBF had initially planned to omit board elections from its September 6 Annual General Meeting agenda but reversed its position under public pressure. Reports suggest further controversy over candidate eligibility criteria, which critics say were introduced late and without adequate consultation. The federation has defended the process, framing the vote as part of a governance refresh aligned with International Boxing Association (IBA), African Boxing Federation (AFB) frameworks, and the SRC Act, promising to “elevate boxing” through education and development. This is not the first time ZBF governance has come under scrutiny. Past SRC interventions, including suspensions over levy remittances a decade ago, left lasting mistrust among stakeholders. Parliament’s recent focus on sport funding and facility upgrades highlights the fragility of combat sports in Zimbabwe without transparent leadership and predictable financing. Stakeholders stress that election outcomes will determine who negotiates sanctioning rights, oversees national squads, and manages sponsor relations. A rushed nomination period, they argue, favours insiders able to prepare paperwork at short notice. Provincial associations outside Harare warn that ongoing disputes could deter sponsors and international partners—a serious risk for a sport needing equipment grants, ring-time, and medical cover more than press statements. Analysts recommend a short, transparent extension of the nomination period—seven to ten working days—announced officially on ZBF letterhead and circulated via provincial channels. They further urge the publication of a consolidated electoral code outlining eligibility, vetting, and appeals timelines, as well as SRC observer presence at nominations closure, ballot printing, and vote counting. Such light-touch oversight, they argue, would reassure stakeholders without infringing on the federation’s autonomy.

The National Heroes Acre ( image source ) From the somber roll call at the National Heroes Acre on Monday, 11 August, to the roar of jets and the rhythmic boots of marching units at Rufaro Stadium on Tuesday, 12 August, Zimbabwe’s Heroes and Defence Forces holidays unfolded with the familiar blend of reverence and spectacle, and a fresh layer of social-media conversation that pulled in politicians and everyday citizens alike. President Emmerson Mnangagwa led the main Heroes Day commemorations at the National Heroes Acre, where speeches leaned heavily into economic nation-building as a living tribute to those who sacrificed for independence. State media and wire images captured the mood of solemnity, wreath-laying, and the careful choreography that has come to define the ceremony. The Defence Forces Day parade moved to Rufaro Stadium this year, a decision flagged by the authorities days in advance. Stadium shots posted by national broadcasters under the #ZDF45 tag showed packed stands, parachutists dropping into the arena, and columns of troops wheeling past the saluting base—a reminder that the country’s military calendar remains one of the most watched civic rituals. At the National Heroes Acre, the President’s address urged citizens to translate remembrance into production to “support national development” in honour of the fallen. That emphasis dovetailed with the broader framing of Heroes Day as a national stock-take on unity and progress, a recurring theme in the coverage. In provinces, Ministers of State presided over parallel ceremonies, reading the President’s speech, conferring medals, and distributing flags to families. Online, the tone was more variegated. Government-aligned pages celebrated the logistics and turnout, while some opposition-leaning voices used the moment to press governance concerns or to reflect on the inclusive meaning of heroism in 2025. While social posts are, by nature, kaleidoscopic, a scan reveals a broad pattern: pride in the liberation legacy, admiration for the military’s parade craft, and persistent debates about the economy and public services, with the holidays functioning as an annual lens on those arguments. Clips of parachute drops and marching bands drew thousands of views, comments, and shares, illustrating how the ceremonial pageantry remains a crowd-puller, both in-stadium and on screens. Harare also played host to the cultural side of commemoration, concerts and gala performances that blend legacy songs with contemporary styles. Though the venues change year to year, the formula is time-tested: patriotic standards, liberation anthems, gospel interludes, and a sprinkling of new danceable tunes that keep younger audiences engaged. The effect is to stitch memory to music, which is a Zimbabwean speciality. In Bulawayo, provincial Heroes Acre ceremonies drew a large crowd, with live updates emphasising family participation, the reading of the President’s speech by the provincial minister, and the laying of wreaths—continuity rituals that local communities guard closely. The Defence Forces Day football exhibition, this time a Zimbabwe Select vs Zambia Select match, added the athletic punctuation mark. Highlights posted online showed that sport continues to serve as a soft-power adjunct to the parade, keeping the stands full after the military formations march off. For many families, it’s the day they bring kids to see uniforms, equipment, and fly-pasts up close; for traders, it’s a day to sell flags, snacks, and memorabilia—a microeconomy orbiting national ceremony. Beyond the set-piece moments, a quieter narrative moved through the capital: private pilgrimages to the National Heroes Acre’s museum and murals, the lighting of the eternal flame, and the retelling of family histories at gravesites across the country. The shrine’s architecture and symbolism—the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier, the granite, the elevated flame—have become part of civic literacy, and each August they attract both first-timers and annual visitors, especially school groups. In a year when the National Sports Stadium is under renovation and the city reconfigures its large-event spaces, the logistics of moving thousands safely and efficiently took on added significance. Authorities flagged the Rufaro venue early and used state channels to keep the public informed, part crowd control, part civic education. As night fell on Defence Forces Day, the social feed cut from stadium lights to family dinners and backyard braais, the national calendar reset until next August, when the rituals will return, bearing fresh speeches, fresh uniforms, and, invariably, fresh debates about how best to honour the past by building the future.

A Kombi halted by the police. Reporter Police operations across Harare over the past week have seen a sweeping crackdown on kombi touts and pirate transport operators. According to reports, the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) arrested 143 touts, who appeared before Harare Magistrates’ Court on Saturday amid the enforcement dubbed “No-To-Touts.” The crackdown targets the rampant harassment of commuters, fare inflation, unsafe practices, and intimidation at kombi ranks. Some arrested touts were paraded in court, and images circulated showed a tense scene of police maintaining order as dozens of suspects faced charges of public nuisance, illegal operations, and contravening transport regulations. This operation is part of a broader campaign, as ZRP statistics cite over 1,000 arrests nationwide in recent weeks, covering touts, unlicensed mushikashika  operators, and reckless drivers. The enforcement aligns with a hardline government stance on restoring commuter confidence and urban mobility safety. Observers note both positive and mixed implications. While commuters have welcomed the relief from intimidation, questions remain around livelihoods disrupted, selective enforcement, and whether structural reforms in public transport regulation will follow.

The Ayam Cemani ( image source ) The Ayam Cemani  has become the stuff of poultry-keeper legend — an all-black Indonesian chicken whose raven plumage, black skin, even black flesh and organs have earned it nicknames from “the Lamborghini of chickens”  to “the mystical Indonesian fowl.”  That mystique translates into money, with live breeding stock fetching hundreds to thousands of dollars, putting the Cemani at the top of “most expensive chicken” lists worldwide. What makes an Ayam Cemani so rare, and so costly, is a genetic condition called fibromelanosis . This gene causes hyper-pigmentation that saturates feathers, skin, connective tissue, and internal organs, giving the bird its trademark blackness and an exotic appeal to collectors, chefs, and breeders. Beyond appearance, the bird carries cultural and spiritual significance in parts of Indonesia, further fuelling demand and price. Juveniles and breeder-quality birds command the highest sums, with retail adult prices commonly ranging between US$800 and US$3,000 , while elite bloodlines sometimes trade for even more. However, not every Cemani is a multi-thousand-dollar showbird. “Pet-quality” stock and chicks sell far cheaper in hobbyist circles, and market prices fluctuate with availability, pedigree, and breeder reputation. Supply is limited as true pureblood lineages are carefully managed by specialist breeders in Indonesia, Europe, and North America. International shipping of live birds or hatching eggs is tightly regulated — scarcity, shipping, quarantine, and veterinary certification costs all contribute to the high price. For Zimbabwean breeders, entering the Cemani market comes with practical and legal hurdles . Importing live poultry or hatching eggs requires permits and veterinary clearances to protect local flocks from diseases such as avian influenza. Zimbabwe’s Animal Health (Import) Regulations  mandate permits, health certification from the exporting country, and often quarantine on arrival. Informal or illicit cross-border poultry movement is explicitly prohibited to prevent disease introduction. A practical route for Zimbabwean enthusiasts is to import hatching eggs or day-old chicks from reputable breeders who meet export and sanitary standards. This typically involves paying for veterinary certificates, air freight, customs clearance, and quarantine — costs that can significantly increase the final purchase price. Another pathway is collaborating with regional poultry associations and accredited importers to manage the complex paperwork. Buyers should insist on pedigrees, health records, and certification verifying lineage and disease-free status. In contrast, Zimbabwe’s indigenous chickens  — hardy, mixed-line backyard birds — occupy a completely different niche. They are valued for resilience, low-input husbandry, and adaptation to local conditions rather than exotic appearance. While they cannot compete in global collectors’ markets, they are vital for food security. For breeders aspiring to develop premium stock locally, the sensible path is to combine robust management with selective breeding. Establishing a true Ayam Cemani line, however, requires the careful legal import of purebred foundation birds. For breeders contemplating investment, a checklist is essential: Confirm legal import pathways and quarantine rules with Zimbabwe’s veterinary authority. Source from reputable, documented breeders. Budget for freight, veterinary certification, and quarantine. Prepare biosecure housing and husbandry plans. Assess market demand — are you selling breeder stock, eggs, or novelty show birds? Without this discipline, the glamour of owning a Cemani can quickly turn into financial and biosecurity risk. The Ayam Cemani will likely remain the poster child for expensive chickens  — a breed as much wrapped in myth as pigment. For Zimbabwe’s poultry sector, the lesson is clear: exotic breeds can be introduced successfully, but only through a framework that protects local flocks, safeguards animal health, and builds credible expertise.

Al Jazeera staff members gather at the network’s studios, to remember their late colleagues ( image source ) On August 10, 2025, an Israeli airstrike struck a tent housing journalists near Al-Shifa Hospital in Gaza City, killing five Al Jazeera staff members: correspondents Anas al-Sharif  and Mohammed Qreiqeh , and camera operators Ibrahim Zaher , Mohammed Noufal , and Moamen Aliwa . The Israeli military later confirmed it had intentionally targeted al-Sharif, alleging he was a Hamas cell leader. The claim has been firmly rejected by Al Jazeera and press freedom groups, who accuse Israel of providing no credible evidence and of committing a grave breach of international law protecting journalists. Al Jazeera condemned the strike as “the deliberate assassination” of its reporters, calling them “among the bravest voices documenting Gaza.” The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)  and other international watchdogs reiterated that journalists are civilians who must never be targeted, urging immediate accountability. Hours before his death, al-Sharif posted a final message on social media: “Do not forget Gaza,”  a plea that has since gone viral as a symbol of frontline journalistic dedication. The attack is the latest in a pattern of deadly strikes on media workers in Gaza. CPJ data shows that between 186 and 237 journalists have been killed since the escalation of hostilities in late 2023. Victims have included: Ismail Abu Hatab , photojournalist, killed on 30 June 2025. Yahya Sobeih , independent reporter, killed in a market airstrike on 7 May 2025 just hours after celebrating the birth of his daughter. Hossam Shabat , killed in March 2025 during intensified Israeli air raids. The mounting fatalities are fuelling what observers call a “media vacuum” in Gaza, where fewer independent voices remain to bear witness to events on the ground. United Nations officials have condemned the erosion of press freedoms and warned that silencing journalists undermines transparency and civilian protection. Human rights advocates say the targeting of reporters risks turning media suppression into a weapon of war — combining propaganda, intimidation, and the denial of independent documentation in one of the world’s most dangerous reporting environments.

The ZANU-PF Headquarters ( image source ) ZANU-PF ’s internal dynamics have again become headline news following the high-profile co-option of businessman Kudakwashe Tagwirei  into the party’s Central Committee, a move that has exposed and intensified factional tensions between senior party figures. The differing public statements from the party’s spokesperson, Cde Christopher Mutsvangwa , and the legal affairs secretary, Cde Patrick Chinamasa , reveal a party wrestling with both succession politics and questions of internal process. On August 4, reports confirmed that the party had admitted Kudakwashe Tagwirei into its Central Committee. The Legal Secretary, Patrick Chinamasa, asserted that the decision was “over and irreversible” , framing the co-option as a finished administrative act. Chinamasa’s public posture appears designed to close the door on procedural debates and to signal unity behind the move. Local coverage framed this as an official ratification aimed at stabilising the narrative around Tagwirei’s formal role within the party. But the story did not end there. Christopher Mutsvangwa, the party’s spokesperson and a factional heavyweight, offered remarks that many interpreted as distancing — or at least qualifying — Chinamasa’s pronouncements. Mutsvangwa’s comments, reported by Bulawayo and other outlets, suggested internal disagreement about how the co-option had been handled and whether due internal processes were respected. The divergence in messaging between Mutsvangwa and Chinamasa is not merely rhetorical; it signals realpolitik  contestation inside ZANU-PF, where the co-option of a wealthy businessman with extensive commercial ties has implications for patronage networks, resource allocation, and succession calculations. Kudakwashe Tagwirei’s entry into the Central Committee is symbolically potent. As a businessman with wide commercial interests, Tagwirei represents a bridge between political power and private capital. His presence on the committee may strengthen certain policy directions favourable to investment and state–business partnerships, but it also fuels anxieties among party cadres who view his co-option as an encroachment of business elites into party structures. For rivals and intra-party critics, the move raises concerns over transparency, meritocratic appointment, and the risk of political decisions being driven by economic clout. Local political analysis suggests that Tagwirei’s profile makes him a lightning rod in a party already split over succession. The public dispute between Mutsvangwa and Chinamasa must be understood within ZANU-PF’s larger factional ecology. Mutsvangwa is widely seen as aligned with a faction that emphasises revolutionary credentials and grassroots control; Chinamasa’s legalistic, managerial framing of the co-option suggests a more technocratic approach to resolving disputes. Factional skirmishes often play out through public statements and controlled leaks, and this spat appears to be an instance where the party’s attempt to show unity has instead revealed deeper cleavages. Analysts warn that continued public disagreement risks undermining public confidence in the party’s cohesion and could embolden opposition narratives. Analysts also note that ZANU-PF’s provincial structures, politburo members, and the President’s inner circle are likely to be quietly canvassed to either endorse or dampen the controversy. If the party hierarchy chooses to bury the matter quickly, it will likely issue coordinated messaging to present consensus; if not, the public sparring could persist and complicate internal nominations and succession manoeuvres ahead of future congresses.

The Transfer window nears its close ( image source ) The European summer transfer window has entered its late, feverish phase: clubs across the continent are scrambling to finalise deals, balance books, and reshape squads ahead of the new season. After a summer of big headline moves and heavy spending in the Premier League and Saudi Pro League, attention has shifted to targeted, strategic additions and a handful of high-profile players whose futures remain uncertain. In the English top flight, Premier League clubs remain the dominant spenders, with aggregate outlays led by a small group intent on immediate returns. Clubs such as Liverpool and Chelsea continue to refine recruitment after earlier blockbuster transfers; many managers are now balancing the urgency for ready-made talent against Financial Fair Play constraints. Sky Sports’ transfer tracker and Transfermarkt data show that while the early window was dominated by headline signings, the final weeks typically produce a flurry of imports and last-minute exits as squads are trimmed. Manchester United remain active in midfield and goalkeeping conversations, with recurring links to established names as the club seeks stability. Across the continent, Serie A and La Liga clubs are more selective, preferring fewer but strategic additions — though Italian clubs have been active in high-value trades to balance budgets. Spain’s biggest clubs, constrained by wage and tax realities, have focused on youth and bargain opportunities, while France’s elite continue to rotate costly assets to refresh balance sheets. Transfer analysis outlets note that clubs are weighing immediate impact against long-term potential more heavily in the late market. One striking trend this summer is the continuing impact of non-European spending, most noticeably from the Middle East, reshaping market expectations. Saudi and Gulf clubs have absorbed marquee talents and driven up valuations, prompting European clubs to rethink pricing for strikers and world-class attackers. This influx has had ripple effects — clubs that once planned to sell high are now recalibrating to avoid strengthening domestic rivals, while buy-and-loan strategies have become more common for promising youngsters. Analysts note that this external demand has made the market less predictable and more transactional. Another notable pattern is the increased use of loan mechanisms and conditional buy-options. Clubs with limited immediate liquidity are using loans to defer decision-making and spread costs, while selling clubs impose buy-back or sell-on clauses to protect future upside. This has created deal structures where headline transfer fees look smaller than the long-term commitments they represent. From a Zimbabwean perspective, a steady trickle of Zimbabwe-born players or academy products in Europe continues to attract attention from local supporters and scouts. While the biggest moves this window have focused on established European and South American names, there’s growing interest in lower-profile transfers and loans that could give emerging Zimbabwean talents playing time in smaller European leagues. Development priorities still favour consistent minutes and progression through second-tier competitions over marquee bench roles. As the window closes, three key takeaways emerge: The market is increasingly globalised and volatile, with non-European buyers influencing valuations. Creative financial structures are now standard for managing fiscal risk. For Zimbabwean players, pathways ensuring regular football remain the priority. The window’s final deals may be sealed soon, but their impact on squad cohesion, wage bills, and tactical balance will echo throughout the season.

Operation Dudula protesters ( image source ) A new wave of xenophobic aggression is emerging in South African public health facilities as Operation Dudula members increasingly bar Zimbabwean — and other foreign — patients from clinics and hospitals, particularly those in Johannesburg. A growing number of Zimbabwean community members report being forcibly ejected or deterred from entering facilities despite court rulings guaranteeing medical access regardless of nationality. GroundUp and other outlets have documented multiple incidents at Jeppe Clinic, Diepsloot, Hillbrow, Kensington, Bez Valley, and Soweto clinics where families escorting young children for vaccination, medication (especially ARVs), or maternity care were blocked from queues or singled out for separate segregation by Dudula vigilantes. At Diepsloot Ext 7 Clinic on June 25, 2025, HIV-positive Zimbabwean man Bheki Ndlovu waited hours in line only to be refused entry for lack of South African identity documents. He blamed the denial on Dudula members who prioritised locals, effectively denying him his antiretroviral medication — a denial he described as “a death sentence.” Mothers such as Grace Issah and Jane Banda, along with asylum seekers like Aisha Amadu, testified to being turned away when bringing infants to clinics in multiple neighbourhoods, leaving critical healthcare appointments unfilled. Some women were told to “stand aside” or return home to give birth despite the Constitutional Court’s 2023 ruling affirming that pregnant and lactating women and their children must receive free healthcare regardless of immigration status. A broader review by health xenophobia watchdogs, including the Collective Voices Against Health Xenophobia consortium, warns such disruptions pose serious public health risks — including outbreaks of communicable diseases like measles and TB — as immigrants avoid healthcare facilities altogether. Operation Dudula, originally formed as a community-based anti-immigrant movement in Soweto in 2021, transitioned to formal political party status in 2023. Its supporters openly campaign for migrants, including legal residents, to be expelled, and blame foreign nationals for unemployment, healthcare burden, and crime. Several Zimbabweans in Johannesburg describe being stuck between “two broken health systems”: unable to access care at home due to Zimbabwe’s healthcare collapse, yet denied services in South Africa due to xenophobic vigilantes. Zimbabwean civic groups have condemned the development, calling the treatment “inhumane” and a violation of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. South African courts are currently reviewing legal challenges brought by civil society organisations including the Socio-Economic Rights Institute, Kopanang Afrika Against Xenophobia (KAAX), Abahlali BaseMjondolo, and the Inner City Federation. Judgment is reserved in their effort to interdict Dudula’s operations and affirm migrants’ access to healthcare. Despite legal pressure, local health departments and police have been criticised for failing to enforce constitutional rights. At Hillbrow Clinic, police only intervened after reports emerged — but enforcement remains inconsistent and often delayed. Human rights advocates argue that xenophobic disruptions in healthcare facilities undermine not only individual rights but also public health outcomes, especially in urban centres where communicable disease control requires inclusive coverage. Denying vaccinations or ARVs to foreign nationals increases the risk of broader outbreaks. Zimbabwe’s health ministry, facing continuous brain drain and underfunding, has urged South Africa to address the root causes of cross‐border healthcare migration instead of scapegoating. Meanwhile, South Africa’s Health Minister and Home Affairs officials have accused Zimbabwe of sending non-paying patients across the border, straining South Africa’s public services. Community organisations are calling for expanded legal aid access for immigrants, formal enforcement of the high court’s ruling, and political condemnation of Dudula’s actions. With judgment expected later this year, pressure is building on the South African government to affirm constitutional health rights for all residents — regardless of origin.

Capleton in performance( image source ) Reporter At an electrifying Grand Gala staged inside the National Stadium, Capleton, affectionately known as “The Fireman,” received Jamaica’s prestigious Reggae Icon Award as he stood alongside fellow legends Beres Hammond and Leroy Sibbles. The annual Independence Day celebration, themed “Be Proud, Be Bold, in Black, Green and Gold,”  was a night brimming with cultural homage and national unity. Nearly 3,000 performers filled the stadium with a colourful tapestry of dance, drill, and drama. From the fiery choreography of the Department of Correctional Services Drill Corps to the high-energy tactical showcase by the Jamaica Constabulary Force — featuring canine unit star Tango — the cultural segments set the stage for a memorable evening. Capleton, clad in a custom-designed Jamaican-themed outfit complete with matching shoes, beamed as he accepted his citation from Prime Minister Andrew Holness , with Culture Minister Olivia “Babsy” Grange standing by his side. In his acceptance, Capleton spoke not just of music, but of culture and identity. “We carry this fire to the four corners of the Earth... for the benefit of the culture, the people of Jamaica,” he said. Following his tribute, he delivered a rousing set featuring fan favourites like Tun It Up , Slew Dem , That Day Will Come , Jah Jah City , and Stand Tall . His performance reverberated with rich symbolism, pride, resistance, and a heart aflame for nationhood. The evening culminated in a stunning drone show and fireworks display, sealing Grand Gala 2025 as a celebration of resilience and reinvention — a visual and sonic salute to Jamaica’s independence and artistic legacy. For Zimbabwean cultural observers, Capleton’s tribute is a powerful reminder of how artists can act as vessels for national identity. In troubled times, culture and those who embody it can transcend boundaries and reaffirm belonging. His honour at Grand Gala is not only a recognition of his storied career but a testament to how Jamaican artists remain proud ambassadors on the global stage.

Liverpool Fans supporting at Anfield( image source ) Every season, the FA Community Shield arrives as football’s ceremonial curtain-raiser — a Wembley showpiece pitched as a friendly yet competitive indicator. This year’s dramatic shoot-out between Liverpool and Crystal Palace rekindled an old conversation: is the Shield cursed? The superstition goes like this: lift the Community Shield and you dramatically lower your chances of winning the Premier League. Fans and pundits love the idea, and this year the debate has been back in the headlines. The statistics are useful fuel for the theory. An in-depth look at Shield winners in the Premier League era finds that only about eight of 33 winners went on to claim the title in the same season (roughly 24%). Conversely, several teams that lost the Shield later lifted the league trophy. TheAnalyst’s recent breakdown makes the pattern stark: four of the last six teams to lose the Shield went on to win the Premier League. That inversion is the numeric backbone of the “curse” meme. Fans treat superstition like seasoning. Liverpool supporters, for once, celebrated not  winning the Shield. On social media, some Reds quipped that skipping the winner’s podium reduced the risk of a seasonal jinx; others toasted a “moral victory,” arguing that a pre-season win can lull teams into overconfidence. Crystal Palace fans, meanwhile, reveled in Wembley glory and shrugged off the hex. For them, the Shield was tangible history — their first ever — and worth celebrating regardless of the statistics. Why do such beliefs persist? Football is emotional, and humans are pattern-seekers. Anecdote becomes evidence if you look long enough. The “curse” is less about causality and more about narrative: fans want meaning before the grind of a 38-game campaign. Managers see the match as fitness and tactical preparation, but for supporters, a superstition is a shared ritual — a mix of hope, banter, and group identity. Superstition is woven into football culture worldwide. Some teams refuse to wash kits after a winning streak; players stick to the same pre-match meal or music; managers avoid certain dugout seats. From Atlético Madrid’s Diego Simeone ignoring “jinxes” to Liverpool fans carrying the same scarf to every away game, rituals can be both playful and deeply ingrained. So, is the Community Shield cursed? Statistically, the evidence is thin. Winning or losing can influence team mentality, but the league season’s outcome depends on far more — injuries, form, depth, and sheer luck. What the Shield reliably offers is drama and debate. Whether Palace’s Wembley triumph sparks a title challenge is almost beside the point; for fans, the story and superstition are entertainment in themselves.

Sudanese refugees near the border in Adre, Chad. More than 2 million people have fled Sudan to neighbouring countries since April 2023. © UNHCR/Ying Hu Reporter Two of Africa and the Middle East’s most acute humanitarian crises—Sudan and Gaza—remain desperate focal points for international concern. Both theatres are characterised by intense fighting, mass displacement, and severe shortages of food, medicine, and shelter; recent reporting underscores an accelerating humanitarian toll and the challenge of delivering aid in contested zones. In Sudan , the conflict that began in April 2023 between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) has continued to fragment the country. After episodic control of Khartoum and shifting frontlines, recent assessments show that SAF operations have pivoted to other regions, including Kordofan, while airstrikes and ground offensives continue to spark mass displacement and localised famine risks. ACLED and humanitarian updates note ethnic mobilisation in certain regions and a steep increase in civilian casualties and displacement. Humanitarian access remains constrained by security risks and damaged infrastructure, complicating aid delivery. Gaza  remains in a perilous humanitarian state with critical shortages of food, water, and medical supplies. International agencies and press reporting describe blockaded supply routes, severe damage to civilian infrastructure, and a health system operating beyond capacity. The situation has triggered global diplomatic interventions and repeated calls for expanded humanitarian corridors, but access remains contested and intermittent. Reuters and other outlets have highlighted the hunger crisis alongside the destruction of essential services, warning that without sustained and secure relief operations, the civilian toll will rise further. Both crises share common features: protracted violence that impedes humanitarian corridors, politicised access to assistance, and the growing use of food and essential services as leverage in conflict. These dynamics raise profound protection concerns for civilians and complicate the international community’s ability to respond. In Sudan, the multiplicity of armed actors and shifting alliances produces a complex security environment that hampers UN and NGO operations; in Gaza, the intensity of urban fighting and restrictions on cross-border logistics present similar operational nightmares for relief agencies. Recent field reporting highlights how aid shipments are delayed, diverted, or unable to reach the most vulnerable populations. The international response—from emergency funding to diplomatic pressure—has been significant but uneven. Donor appeals are chronically under-funded relative to need, and political constraints often shape where and how assistance can be deployed. Humanitarian analysts stress the need for sustained, predictable funding, protected humanitarian access, and durable political solutions that prioritise civilian protection. The long-term prospects for both Sudan and Gaza hinge not only on ceasefire arrangements but on international coordination to rebuild infrastructure, restore services, and address the root political grievances that fuel cycles of violence.

Reporter The FORUS Party( image source ) The submission of a petition by the FORUS Party  to Zimbabwe’s Parliament has ignited fresh debate over the country’s electoral laws and the rights of its diaspora. With over three million Zimbabweans living abroad, the petition demands immediate reforms to the Electoral Act  to allow their participation in national elections. FORUS President Manyara Muyenziwa  framed the issue as one of justice and representation. “They do not ask for privilege—they ask for participation,”  she said, pointing to the diaspora’s economic contributions and civic stake in the country’s future. The petition argues that current laws violate constitutional guarantees and perpetuate systemic exclusion. While Parliament has yet to respond, the petition has already galvanised support among civil society groups and legal experts. FORUS has pledged to continue mobilising diaspora communities and pressuring lawmakers to act before the 2028 elections . The party’s push signals a growing demand for inclusive governance and electoral accountability. Political analysts suggest that the petition could reshape the national conversation around citizenship and participation. With the 2028 elections looming, parties may be forced to clarify their positions on diaspora voting, potentially influencing campaign strategies. FORUS’s move is seen as a strategic effort to redefine the electorate and expand democratic engagement.   Below is the Petition in full:    Copied To: 1. Chairperson, Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) 2. Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs 3. Minister of Finance and Economic Development   SUBJECT: URGENT REQUEST FOR LEGAL REFORMS TO ENABLE VOTING RIGHTS FOR ZIMBABWEANS IN THE DIASPORA I. INTRODUCTION: A DECADE OF CONSTITUTIONAL NEGLECT We, the FORUS Party, representing the collective voice of millions of disenfranchised Zimbabweans both at home and abroad, hereby petition the Parliament of Zimbabwe to immediately grant voting rights to Zimbabweans residing in the diaspora.For too many years, the State has been in wilful defiance of a binding Constitutional Court order and its own treaty obligations, and an estimated 3.2 million citizens—nearly 25% of our nation's total citizenry— excluded from participating in general elections. This systematic exclusion was even recently observed during the 2023 Harmonised Elections and condemned by credible international observers (including the EU EOM). The on-going disenfranchisement is not a matter of logistical challenge but of political will. It is an unconstitutional, economically unjust, and internationally condemned practice that undermines the very foundation of our Republic. We do hereby demand definitive legislative and administrative action before the 2028 electoral cycle begins. II. BACKGROUND: A PATTERN OF SYSTEMATIC DISENFRANCHISEMENT The exclusion of the Zimbabwean diaspora from the electoral process is not an oversight; it is codified in discriminatory law and sustained through executive inaction, in direct violation of domestic and international law. A. Domestic Legal and Judicial Violations: * Electoral Act [Chapter 2:13], as amended in 2022: Section 23(3) of this Act unconstitutionally limits the right to a postal ballot to only those citizens abroad on state duty and their spouses. This creates an unlawful class distinction, affording a fundamental right to a select few while denying it to millions of ordinary citizens. This provision is the primary legislative tool of disenfranchisement. As a signatory, Zimbabwe is bound by Principle 7.4, which mandates member states to "take all necessary measures and arrangements to ensure that all eligible citizens are given an opportunity to exercise their right to vote." The SADC Parliamentary Forum's 2023 election report explicitly cited Zimbabwe's failure to implement diaspora voting as a "flagrant breach of this principle." Moreover, Article 17(1) of the Charter, which Zimbabwe has ratified, obligates State Parties to "promote, protect and preserve the principle of the right to participatory democracy." The blanket exclusion of a quarter of the population directly contravenes this core tenet. III. THE COMPREHENSIVE CASE FOR REFORM A. Constitutional & Judicial Imperatives: The Foundation of Our Law The current legal framework is constitutionally indefensible. Provision Violation Sec 56(3) Unlawful discrimination on the grounds of location Sec 67(1) Violation of universal adult suffrage CCZ 1/2013 Sustained contempt of the Constitutional Court   Detailed Explanation: * On Section 56(3) (Equality & Non-Discrimination): This section guarantees every person equal protection and benefit of the law, expressly forbidding unfair discrimination. By creating a system where a citizen in Harare can vote but a citizen in Johannesburg cannot, the state is discriminating based on geographic location, which is not a constitutionally permissible basis for limiting a fundamental right. * On Section 67(1) (Political Rights): This section guarantees every Zimbabwean citizen the right to vote in all elections "peacefully, freely and fairly." The term "universal adult suffrage" implies that the right extends to all citizens who meet the age requirement, regardless of their location. The current system violates the principle of universality. * On Regional Precedents: Our position is supported by progressive jurisprudence across Africa. In Richter v The Minister for Home Affairs (2009), South Africa's Constitutional Court ruled that logistical and financial difficulties are not sufficient grounds to deny citizens their right to vote. More pointedly, in Okiya Omtatah Okoiti v IEBC (2015), the High Court of Kenya not only affirmed the diaspora's right to vote but compelled the electoral commission to implement it within a strict 12-month timeframe, setting a precedent for time-bound judicial enforcement.   Zimbabwe’s violations are active and deliberate because legislation-wise the Electoral Act codifies discrimination by limiting external voting to Zimbabweans on government mission. More-so executive inaction persists despite CCZ 1/2013 ruling a; 12 year outstanding constitutional court order. Regional bodies (SADC, AU) have documented non-compliance. These breaches erode Zimbabwe’s legitimacy as a democratic state under African and international law. International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) As a party to the ICCPR, Zimbabwe is bound by Article 25, which states that every citizen shall have the right and opportunity to vote at genuine periodic elections without "unreasonable restrictions." The exclusion of millions of citizens who are otherwise eligible constitutes a textbook example of an unreasonable restriction, placing Zimbabwe in breach of its core human rights obligations. B. Economic Justice: No Representation for the Nation's Economic Engine The economic argument for diaspora voting is overwhelming. The Zimbabwean diaspora is not a detached entity; it is the economic lifeblood of the nation. * Annual diaspora remittances now exceed US$1.8 billion, officially accounting for nearly 20% of GDP when informal flows are considered. * According to a 2024 World Bank report, these funds directly support 63% of all urban households and a significant portion of rural families, providing a crucial social safety net that the state cannot. This constitutes the most extreme form of fiscal tyranny: the state relies on the diaspora as its largest single source of foreign currency and a pillar of its economy, yet denies this very constituency a voice in how that economy is governed. It is a flagrant violation of the democratic principle of "no taxation without representation." IV.Proposed Solutions & Practical Roadmap for Diaspora Voting in Zimbabwe Zimbabwe’s continued exclusion of its diaspora from national elections is a constitutional breach that undermines democratic participation. With over 115 countries successfully implementing diaspora voting, the barrier is not logistics—it is political will. This roadmap offers a phased, accountable, and inclusive strategy to enfranchise Zimbabweans abroad. A. Legislative & Structural Reforms: Anchoring the Right to Vote To restore constitutional integrity, we propose time-bound legal reforms that guarantee diaspora voting rights. Action Deadline Responsible Body Repeal Electoral Act Section 23(3) 30 November 2025 Minister of Justice Enact a comprehensive Diaspora Voting Law 31 March 2026 Parliament Delimit a minimum of 5 non-territorial Diaspora Constituencies 31 March 2026 ZEC   Key Legal Provisions to Include: * Universal suffrage for all Zimbabwean citizens abroad. * Legal recognition of postal, electronic, and in-person voting abroad. * Special accommodations for voters with health or legal constraints. B. Administrative Implementation: Building the Voting Infrastructure Legislation must be matched by robust administrative action. The following steps ensure operational readiness. Task Agency Deadline Establish a fully-resourced Diaspora Voting Unit ZEC 1 December 2025 Publish a detailed, costed implementation plan ZEC 28 February 2026 Allocate dedicated funding in the National Budget MoF 31 October 2025 Train and appoint consular staff as voting officers MoFA 15 January 2026     Voting Mechanisms to Deploy: * Registration at embassies and consulates. * Secure postal and electronic voting systems. * Designated polling stations abroad. C. Civic Education & Voter Engagement Empowering the diaspora requires more than access—it demands awareness. * Launch civic education campaigns tailored to diaspora communities. * Disseminate multilingual materials on voting rights and procedures. * Host webinars and town halls via embassies and diaspora networks. D. Strategic Partnerships & Representation To ensure legitimacy and reach, collaboration is essential. * Partner with diaspora civil society organizations for registration and mobilization. * Explore formal representation through diaspora constituencies in Parliament. * Engage diaspora leaders in policy consultations and electoral planning. E. Monitoring, Evaluation & Global Benchmarking Transparency and accountability must guide implementation. * Establish an independent oversight body to monitor progress and compliance. * Conduct regular audits and publish public reports. * Benchmark against international best practices to ensure security and efficiency.   V.Final Plea & Conclusion FORUS Party calls upon the Parliament of Zimbabwe to recognize and restore the constitutional rights of Zimbabweans living abroad. Diaspora voting is not a privilege—it is a democratic imperative. For too long, millions have been excluded from shaping the future of the nation they love and support. This is a plea for inclusion, not confrontation. We urge our elected leaders to act with courage and integrity: to amend the laws, allocate the resources, and initiate the public processes necessary to enfranchise the diaspora. The legitimacy of our democracy depends on it. Let this petition be a turning point—a moment where Zimbabwe chooses unity over division, progress over delay, and justice over silence.