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Commissioner General Stephen Mutamba ( image source ) In an era defined by high expectations, economic ambitions, and Zimbabwe’s march toward upper middle-income status by 2030, the role of a robust, responsive, and community-centred law enforcement agency has never been more critical. Under the leadership of Commissioner General Stephen Mutamba , the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) is undergoing a silent but impactful transformation—one that is redefining policing standards, restoring public trust, and laying the groundwork for sustainable national development. Since taking the helm, Commissioner General Mutamba has visibly realigned the ZRP with the broader objectives of Vision 2030 . His leadership has elevated professionalism within the ranks, enhanced operational effectiveness, strengthened crime-fighting mechanisms, and kick-started long-overdue infrastructure refurbishment. At the heart of this transformation lies a guiding principle: no place, and no one, must be left behind. Infrastructure Modernisation: From Neglect to Renewal Gone are the days when police posts symbolised decay and neglect. Commissioner General Mutamba’s modernisation agenda has rolled out widespread refurbishment works nationwide. In the capital, Harare Central Police Station —a hub of daily law enforcement activity—has undergone a remarkable facelift. From clean, well-marked parking bays to revitalised front offices, the new ambience reflects a deliberate effort to create people-friendly, efficient public institutions . The Southerton District Headquarters , under Chief Superintendent Maxwell Majojo , has also seen major improvements. Servicing the vital tactical area of Harare South, the precinct now boasts rehabilitated offices and upgraded service delivery systems. “Chief Superintendent Majojo has brought visible change to Harare South. You can sense order, not just in the buildings but in how police engage with the community,”— Mr. Benias Marunza, long-time resident Community-Centred Policing in Mbare Under Chief Superintendent Runwell Chipfurutse , Mbare Police District Headquarters —long considered a tactical zone due to its high-density population and strategic location—has entered a new era of law and order. A newly erected perimeter fence and full refurbishment of the precinct’s buildings have brought both physical security and psychological reassurance to residents. These changes have even enhanced the operational environment of neighbouring institutions, including the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation’s Mbare studios . Mbare’s policing upgrades complement broader urban renewal projects  such as the recently completed Mbare Market , a modern informal trading hub supporting thousands of livelihoods. Sharper Operational Focus Beyond aesthetics, Commissioner General Mutamba has sharpened the ZRP’s operational edge. The force has recorded measurable increases in the arrests of criminals—ranging from petty offenders to high-profile organised syndicates. From drug busts in suburban neighbourhoods to dismantling smuggling rings and car theft syndicates, the ZRP has demonstrated improved tactical precision and intelligence-led interventions. These measures are critical as Zimbabwe seeks to attract investment, boost tourism, and stimulate entrepreneurship—key pillars of Vision 2030. Strategic Policing in the Capital As Zimbabwe’s nerve centre, Harare presents unique policing challenges—from groups intent on disturbing peace to the pressures of a growing population. Under Commissioner Maxwell Chikunguru , the Harare Provincial Police Command has maintained order with adaptability and efficiency. Whether managing major civic events, coordinating with local authorities on traffic flow, or combating urban crime, Harare’s provincial force has shown resilience and agility. National Impact and Public Confidence Commissioner General Mutamba’s leadership model—anchored in community engagement, transparency, and professionalism—is fostering a stronger bond between the police and the public. These developments are not confined to Harare; they are being replicated in provinces nationwide, reflecting a centralised vision with decentralised execution . As Zimbabwe edges toward 2030, the ZRP’s transformation is proving that safety and order are prerequisites for prosperity . “We see the police not just as enforcers of the law, but as partners in our journey to a better Zimbabwe. What Commissioner General Mutamba is doing gives us hope.”— Mrs. Theresa Macheche, citizen

The proposed Mozambique LNG project ( image source ) TotalEnergies ’ long-stalled $20 billion Mozambique LNG project is edging closer to a formal restart, with signals from both Maputo and the French energy major suggesting that security, financing, and contractor readiness are aligning. President Daniel Chapo stated in late July that he expected to conclude talks with TotalEnergies on resumption, while Energy Minister Carlos Zacarias confirmed that the government has created the necessary environment to proceed. After years under force majeure following the 2021 Palma attack, the project could re-mobilise on the Afungi Peninsula, unlocking dormant contracts and supply chains stretching from Pemba to Nacala. A critical indicator of momentum lies some 13,000 kilometres away in Korea’s shipyards. HD Hyundai Samho Heavy Industries and Samsung Heavy Industries have repeatedly extended letters of intent to keep 17 LNG-carrier berths reserved for Mozambique LNG, now through the end of August 2025. Industry sources report that the shipbuilders are holding price guarantees and production slots—an unusual, years-long move that underscores both the project’s scale and the uncertainty surrounding its timeline. Activist groups claim TotalEnergies has postponed the order seven times. Financing developments are also gaining traction. In March, reports confirmed that the U.S. Export-Import Bank had re-approved nearly $5 billion in debt support for Mozambique LNG, reinstating a crucial element of the project’s complex capital structure. Analysts note that such commitments often trigger parallel guarantees from European credit agencies. Meanwhile, broader LNG strategy signals suggest that TotalEnergies is prioritising lower-cost options and a disciplined restart in Mozambique over higher-risk ventures elsewhere. Security, however, remains the deciding factor. Recent reports highlight renewed displacements in Cabo Delgado due to insurgent incidents, indicating that while Rwandan and SADC forces have weakened IS-linked militants, the threat has not been eliminated. TotalEnergies has stressed that strong community relations, human rights protections, and contractor welfare are non-negotiable conditions for restarting operations. The company has also cautioned against the “resource curse” should governance and local development fail to keep pace with expected revenues. For Zimbabwe and neighbouring countries, a restart could generate significant economic ripples. Beitbridge-to-Cabo Delgado trucking routes, Harare-based engineering consultancies, and regional banks could benefit from renewed procurement activity. In parallel, Korea’s orders for LNG carriers—both for Mozambique and other global projects—could create a medium-term oversupply of vessels, potentially influencing freight rates for African LNG exports, including from Eni’s already-producing Coral Sul FLNG and any future expansion projects. If current momentum continues, 2026 could mark the visible build-up of site activity and the resumption of community development programmes around Afungi, signalling one of Africa’s largest LNG projects returning to life.

. An Example of the situation in Mbare The worsening sewer crisis in Mbare, particularly around Tagarika Flats, is not just a humanitarian disaster—it is a public health time bomb with severe economic consequences for Zimbabwe’s capital and the nation at large. Despite repeated warnings, the City of Harare has failed to develop a lasting solution to persistent sewer bursts affecting thousands of residents. Raw effluent flowing through living spaces, especially at Block 19, has become a common sight—and a silent killer. Zimbabwe’s Ministry of Health and Child Care has recorded a 27% increase in waterborne disease cases in Harare Metropolitan Province over the past year, with Mbare accounting for more than 35% of reported cholera and typhoid outbreaks in the capital. In 2024 alone, over 6,000 suspected cholera cases were recorded nationally, with Mbare listed among the epicentres by the Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency (ZIMSTAT). The area is increasingly regarded by health experts as a disease reservoir—one capable of overwhelming the national health system due to the suburb’s strategic position. “We have knocked on every door at City Council,” said Mr. Time Jere, a long-time resident. “They promise, they inspect, then disappear. We are left to live like animals and no one seems to care.” Mrs. Gaudencia Chapanda said they had been left with no other option except leaving everything to God. “We are now leaving everything to the Almighty God.”She added: “Sewage is flowing everywhere. Children no longer have anywhere to play. It’s like we’re forgotten.” The inaction is particularly perilous given Mbare’s economic significance. Home to the newly upgraded Mbare Musika Market—a key trade centre that supports over 30,000 informal traders and supplies millions across the country—the area is a vital artery in Zimbabwe’s economy. The Zimbabwe Informal Sector Association estimates that Mbare Musika generates over US$2.5 million in daily trade, making it one of the largest economic ecosystems in the country. This hub directly links rural farming communities, cross-border commerce, and urban retailers, all of which are threatened if Mbare becomes a sustained epicentre of contagious disease. Additionally, Mbare houses the Harare Mbare Bus Terminus, serving more than 100,000 travellers daily, making it one of Southern Africa’s busiest transport nodes. Put simply, if Mbare sneezes, the whole country catches a cold. The current sanitation crisis directly undermines President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s Vision 2030, which seeks to position Zimbabwe as an upper-middle-income economy through inclusive infrastructure development, universal healthcare, and improved service delivery. Under the Hygiene and Environmental Health cluster of the National Development Strategy 1 (NDS1), Zimbabwe has committed to achieving 90% access to safely managed sanitation by 2030, eliminating cholera and other waterborne diseases, and rehabilitating urban water systems in high-density suburbs. Yet, the 2024 Urban Infrastructure Audit Report reveals Harare’s sewer network is operating at just 42% functional capacity, with Mbare among the worst affected. More than 70% of Harare’s sewer infrastructure is over 40 years old—well beyond its intended lifespan. Harare City Council’s inaction is no longer a technical issue—it is a political and administrative failure. According to the Combined Harare Residents Association (CHRA), residents and civil society have lodged over 200 formal complaints since 2023, yet no meaningful action has followed. Meanwhile, millions in devolution funds and urban renewal grants remain unaccounted for, while city authorities continue to blame residents for illegal connections and “overburdened infrastructure.” This is not mere mismanagement—it is dereliction of duty. The current trajectory highlights a dangerous disconnect between local authorities and national development goals. With the 2025–2026 rainy season approaching, the risk of a major outbreak is escalating. Given the City Council’s persistent failure to address the crisis, calls are growing for central government intervention under the Public Health Act and Urban Councils Act, both of which empower national authorities to assume control in emergencies where public health is compromised. Southerton Business Times urges all responsible agencies—from the Ministry of Health, Ministry of Local Government, to the Auditor-General—to act decisively before lives are lost and national progress is reversed. The residents of Mbare deserve dignity. And Zimbabwe cannot afford to gamble with its economic hubs in pursuit of Vision 2030.

Russian President Vladimir Putin U.S. and President Donald Trump On Friday, 15 August 2025, U.S. President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin are scheduled to meet in Anchorage, Alaska, for the first head-of-state-level U.S.–Russia summit since 2021. The White House has framed the encounter as a “listening exercise,” with expectations set deliberately low. Officials caution against anticipating a ceasefire in Ukraine from a single meeting, noting that the optics alone carry both weight and risk. Multiple reputable outlets have confirmed the date, location, and stated aim. Trump announced the meeting on his social platform, while U.S. and international media have provided broader context and cautionary notes. A Narrow Agenda With Big Stakes The official agenda is limited—exploring potential pathways to end the war in Ukraine. Trump has previously suggested “some swapping” of territory, an idea firmly rejected by Kyiv and fraught with legal and moral implications. Russia’s position remains maximalist, claiming annexations of four Ukrainian regions. Ukraine’s constitution prohibits ceding land, meaning any deal attempting to cement territorial concessions without Ukraine’s participation would lack legitimacy and could destabilize the region further. Alaska as the Stage Holding the summit on U.S. soil is seen as both a demonstration of strength and a potential messaging hazard. Alaska-based media have speculated about venues, including Girdwood’s Alyeska Resort, while also highlighting the significant security and logistical preparations. National analysts warn that offering Putin such a bilateral platform—after years of diplomatic isolation—could be interpreted as rehabilitating his standing without requiring behavioral change. The White House is carefully managing expectations, emphasizing that President Trump will listen to Putin but will not negotiate Ukraine’s future without Kyiv. Even so, a single misstep—verbal or policy-related—could have lasting consequences. Trump has already had to clarify earlier remarks about “going to Russia,” which drew widespread media attention. Europe’s Unified Position In a show of solidarity ahead of the meeting, leaders from 26 European Union member states issued a joint statement reaffirming Ukraine’s right to determine its own future. They stressed that any settlement must safeguard Ukraine’s and Europe’s security interests. The EU reiterated that borders cannot be altered by force and that “meaningful negotiations” can only take place under a ceasefire or a significant reduction in hostilities. Kyiv welcomed the EU’s united stance, viewing it as a safeguard against great-power negotiations that might exclude Ukraine. Meanwhile, Russia has continued probing attacks along the front lines. What Comes After the Summit For Ukraine and its allies, the real challenge will be ensuring that any understandings reached in Anchorage pass through Kyiv and adhere to international law. For Moscow, the meeting offers an invaluable photo opportunity and the chance to reassert itself as a great-power equal on the global stage. For Washington, the balancing act lies in projecting unwavering support for Ukraine while avoiding the perception that a bilateral with Putin amounts to legitimizing land-for-peace discussions.

The University of Zimbabwe ( image source ) The University of Zimbabwe ’s planned 44th Graduation Ceremony, set for Friday, 15 August, will go ahead after the Association of University Teachers (AUT) abruptly withdrew its urgent High Court application to interdict the event. In a statement on Tuesday, UZ said the withdrawal followed a case-management meeting on Monday, 11 August, where the application’s “substantive, procedural, and legal defects” were exposed under judicial scrutiny. The court ordered the applicant to pay wasted costs. The climbdown ends a dramatic week in which AUT alleged that a lecturers’ strike had compromised the integrity of examinations and degree processing, rendering graduation premature and potentially unlawful. Earlier reporting outlined the union’s claims of irregularities in teaching, invigilation, moderation, and marking, and flagged concerns that pressing ahead would “devalue” qualifications. Tuesday’s reversal snaps that narrative: the ceremony is on, and UZ insists all logistical arrangements are “firmly in place,” with key offices even opening during the public holiday window to help graduands complete clearances. Graduands and their families, many of whom had booked travel and celebrations, are relieved at the news. The prospect of a last-minute court-ordered postponement had injected uncertainty into a milestone that, for most students, is years in the making and often financed through remittances, side hustles, and family savings. UZ’s statement, amplified across local platforms, steadied nerves and signalled institutional confidence. By late afternoon, student WhatsApp groups were swapping gown-collection tips and lift offers again. The withdrawal also resets the relationship between the university and its academic staff, at least for now. AUT’s filing, publicised over the weekend, was unusually confrontational, casting UZ as a “degree printing machine” and accusing management of railroading academic processes amid industrial action. With the application withdrawn and costs awarded against the union, the legal gambit may carry internal consequences, from reputational blowback to renewed scrutiny of AUT’s strategy. From a governance perspective, the episode is a reminder that Zimbabwe’s flagship university has to manage not just academic rigour, but also perceptions of rigour. Parents and employers scrutinise grades closely in a tight job market. Even if UZ is confident the semester’s assessments withstand audit, it must communicate that confidence transparently — in Senate minutes, in moderation reports, and in granular guidance to departments. The institution’s promise that bursary, library, and faculty offices would work extended hours this week to speed up clearances signalled an operational seriousness that graduation-week chaos tends to stress-test. For students caught in the crossfire, the mental-health toll is real. One engineering graduand told us he’d put off booking a small family lunch “because we didn’t know what was happening,” adding that he still hopes his grandparents can come “if we can sort transport.” A social-work graduand said she sympathised with lecturers’ wage grievances but feared “our cohort would be tainted for jobs abroad” if graduation slipped. UZ’s recommitment to the date doesn’t resolve the wage dispute; it does, however, shield students from collateral damage in the short term. Politically, the case touched a sensitive nerve. The Chancellor of the university is the Head of State; any litigation that brushes against the Chancellor’s ceremonial functions acquires symbolic weight. That said, the High Court’s management of the application — and its cost order on withdrawal — suggests the judiciary expects tighter pleadings and clearer evidence when urgent relief threatens national institutions’ calendar set-pieces.

Mbare Musika ( image source ) Mbare Musika , Harare’s legendary marketplace and transport hub, is experiencing a renaissance that is already reshaping livelihoods, boosting rural-urban trade, and aligning perfectly with Zimbabwe’s broader development goals under President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s Second Republic. For decades, Mbare has been the heartbeat of Zimbabwe’s informal economy. Every day, truckloads of fresh produce roll in from across the country, traders shout their bargains, and buses roar to life bound for distant provinces, and cash changes hands faster than the city’s traffic lights can turn red. The market has been more than just a place of trade; it has been a survival lifeline for thousands of vendors, farmers, transporters, and customers. Yet, for years, Mbare was also a symbol of urban decay — overcrowded stalls, dilapidated infrastructure, poor sanitation, and fire hazards threatened not only livelihoods but also public health. The rainy season often brought floods of contaminated water through the alleys, sparking fears of cholera outbreaks. That image is now changing. President Mnangagwa has made the revitalisation of Mbare Musika a priority under the country’s National Development Strategy 1 (NDS1), which seeks to transform Zimbabwe into an upper middle-income economy by 2030. The government’s commitment to upgrading the market is part of a wider push to formalise and modernise the informal sector while safeguarding jobs and improving public services. Phase One of the new-look Mbare Musika is already complete, boasting modern trading bays, improved sanitation facilities, better drainage, and safer storage for goods. According to city officials, the upgraded space accommodates over 1,600 traders in a cleaner and more organised environment. Phase Two — set to deliver a multi-storey facility with cold storage and more retail capacity — is expected to further cement Mbare’s status as the country’s most important agro-trading hub. The President has repeatedly emphasised that these upgrades are not just cosmetic changes but part of a national economic strategy. By giving traders dignified spaces, improving hygiene, and enhancing efficiency, the government aims to boost agricultural marketing, cut post-harvest losses, and strengthen food security for urban households. For farmers from Mutoko, Mazowe, Gokwe, and beyond, Mbare Musika is their direct link to the urban market. The improved facilities mean they can offload produce faster, store it better, and negotiate fairer prices without the pressure of unsanitary, unsafe conditions. For urban consumers, the market continues to be a place where food prices are relatively affordable despite national inflationary pressures. Women and youth, who make up the majority of traders, are among the biggest beneficiaries. Many women who once braved the elements in makeshift stalls now operate from secure, covered spaces, able to protect their goods from both the weather and theft. Youth, meanwhile, are finding new opportunities in transport, logistics, packaging, and digital payment solutions linked to the market’s expanded operations. The transformation of Mbare Musika dovetails with Zimbabwe’s broader priorities: fostering economic inclusion, enhancing agricultural value chains, and creating urban environments that promote commerce and dignity. It is a microcosm of the government’s stated vision — “Leaving no one and no place behind” — and a practical example of infrastructure-led economic growth. As Harare rolls out its Master Plan 2025–2045, which envisions better-planned marketplaces, transport nodes, and commercial districts, Mbare Musika stands as a living case study in how targeted investment can uplift communities while driving national development goals. Where once there was chaos and decay, there is now order and promise. And as the sound of early morning trading fills the air, Mbare’s revival under Mnangagwa’s watch is more than just a facelift — it is a bold statement about the role of markets in building a prosperous Zimbabwe.

The National Sports Stadium ( image source ) Zimbabwean football woke up this week to a tantalising headline, that the National Sports Stadium (NSS) had been “approved” by CAF to host certain international fixtures after five years in the wilderness. Several outlets ran with it, citing a list suggesting Category Two clearance for youth internationals (U17–U23) and preliminary rounds of club competitions. Social media promptly lit up with celebratory posts and graphics declaring the country “back.” Within 24 hours, the bubble burst. News stories quoting a CAF insider reported that the inclusion was an administrative oversight and would be corrected. Others echoed the clarification, noting that a CAF inspection mission is scheduled for September to assess ongoing renovations, bucket seats, turnstiles and pitch works before any decision on homologation. However, other reports framed the saga as “false hope,” saying the 11 August list was erroneous and that Zimbabwe remains barred for now. As of Tuesday, the safest summary is that there is no green light yet. Since 2020, Zimbabwe has been under a CAF ban on hosting internationals due to substandard facilities, a sanction that forced “home” matches into exile. While renovations have accelerated this year, CAF categorisation is stringent: Category One is required for senior men’s internationals; Category Two covers youth and some early club rounds; and each category hinges on detailed compliance — playing surface, lighting, security zones, media, and spectator facilities. The NSS has made progress, but inspectors want to see works completed and tested. Part of the confusion stems from a genuine trend toward flexibility in early-round approvals across the continent. CAF has occasionally green-lit venues for limited categories to support development. That nuance, coupled with circulating graphics and aggregator posts, created a perfect rumour storm. Some outlets still insist Category Two approval stands; others have amended copy to reflect the “error” line. Until CAF publishes a definitive, current list on its channels or communicates directly to ZIFA , caution is warranted. ZIFA officials say they are grateful for CAF’s engagement and government funding, with hopes pinned on the September visit unlocking phased hosting rights, first for youth and preliminary club fixtures, then, with further upgrades, senior internationals. Supporters’ groups argue for a maintenance plan to prevent a relapse into disrepair once clearance arrives. Given the stadium’s political and cultural symbolism, the stakes are larger than a fixture list; they’re about national pride and the economics of hosting. Analysts say whilst the lack of clarity on clearance is distressing, they note that significant renovations are indeed underway and visible, a break from years of stagnation. CAF has also acknowledged the work underway. However, analysts underscore the need for Zimbabwean football to ensure effective and accurate communication whilst leading the work on the necessary renovations. As of now, CAF has hinted that the practical timeline is end-2025 at the earliest for full clearance, and until the inspection team signs off and CAF publishes the homologation, NSS remains, officially, off-limits for internationals.

Floyd Shivambu ( image source ) Floyd Shivambu ’s short, headline-grabbing stint with uMkhonto weSizwe (MK), the Jacob Zuma-led party that stormed into third place in South Africa’s 2024 elections, is over. Over the weekend and into early this week, MK announced a leadership reshuffle that effectively confirmed Shivambu’s expulsion and the appointment of a new secretary-general. The development solidifies a messy split that had been brewing since mid-year, when Shivambu publicly criticised MK’s direction. Shivambu accuses the party of being “personality-driven,” lacking coherent ideology, and hemmed in by “regional and ethnic limitations.” In June, he argued that the movement is grounded in Zulu nationalism in a way that stifles its ability to build a non-sectarian national project. He painted MK as a vehicle for grievances against the ANC rather than a platform for policy innovation. MK loyalists rejected that framing, but the charge landed because it articulated a growing unease among national-ambition parties that campaign on charisma first and policy later. For Zuma, the optics are complicated. His expulsion from the ANC last year for backing MK lent the party a defiant origin story; its 2024 poll performance suggested it could become kingmaker in hung councils and a real factor in Parliament. But managing a coalition of strong personalities, regional identities, and post-ANC cadres is proving difficult. MK’s weekend announcement of a new secretary-general underscored that the party is consolidating around loyalists and closing ranks ahead of crucial policy fights. The symbolism is unmistakable as MK is defining itself not only in opposition to the ANC, but also against internal dissent. Shivambu, a veteran of bruising parliamentary battles and once a key EFF figure, now confronts a familiar challenge — how to retain relevance after a high-profile break with an insurgent movement. His ideological quarrel with MK echoes questions that have haunted South African politics since 2014: can a party built around a singular figure scale nationally without flattening the country’s ethnolinguistic complexity, and can it outgrow grievance into governance? The MK saga has already sharpened debates within the opposition about programmatic politics versus personality-driven mobilisation. Regionally, the story resonates beyond South Africa’s borders. In Zimbabwe and Zambia, for instance, opposition coalitions routinely wrestle with leader-centric branding and the difficulty of internally policing corruption or patronage without triggering splits. Shivambu’s fallout with MK, and MK’s swift move to replace him, will be read by strategists as a cautionary tale: define ideology early, build institutional guardrails, and diversify leadership or risk constant rupture. Analysts say three things will be critical in the near term. First, whether MK’s tightened leadership can articulate a credible policy programme that travels beyond KwaZulu-Natal. Second, whether Shivambu, no stranger to reinvention, aligns with another formation or doubles down on building his own platform. And third, how the ANC calibrates its response — ignoring MK to deny it oxygen, while also courting voters seduced by its rhetoric. The ANC’s own split with Zuma, codified by his expulsion, still animates much of the post-election realignment, and the party will be measuring whether MK’s internal turbulence offers an opening to claw back supporters disillusioned by service-delivery failures and corruption scandals. For ordinary South Africans, the stakes are practical. With jobs scarce and municipal services brittle, voters increasingly judge parties by their ability to fix potholes and keep the lights on, not by their ability to trend on social media. If MK’s brand becomes synonymous with internal purges rather than policy delivery, it may burn through its insurgent halo quickly. Conversely, if it can pivot from personality to programme, it could stabilise. Either way, Shivambu’s exit clarifies the fault lines. The next chapters — provincial by-elections, coalition bargaining, and the 2026 local elections — will test whether those lines harden or blur.

A Zimbabwean Passport ( image source ) Reporter Zimbabweans living in South Africa are set to benefit from a fresh mobile consular drive by the Embassy and Consulate, bringing passport and civil registry services closer to communities that have struggled with travel costs and long queues in Johannesburg and Pretoria. The Consulate said the outreach will process passport forms, birth registrations, temporary travel documents and notarization/verification services on a first-come, first-served basis, with transparent fee schedules in rand. Consul-General Eria Phiri emphasised that applications will still be captured and processed through Zimbabwe’s central system, with collection arrangements communicated to applicants. The outreach follows more than a year of incremental progress on the diaspora e-passport rollout. In mid-2024, the Consulate began piloting e-passport processing support with Registrar-General officers, a programme that was extended as demand surged among Zimbabweans working and studying across South Africa. Community reporting last year showed roughly 60 e-passports processed per day at the height of the pilot, evidence of appetite for regularised documentation among a diaspora estimated in the hundreds of thousands. Operational updates suggest the workflow is bedding down. The Consulate has publicised regular “ready for collection” batches on its official Facebook channel, covering applications from May through July 2025—and recently reminded clients to bring paycodes, receipts and IDs at pickup. Meanwhile, a June 2024 service note formalised passport prerequisites, which are long birth certificate, national ID, two photographs, relevant marital status documents and any prior passport, plus an administrative R300 application handling fee at the Consulate (distinct from the passport production fee paid in Zimbabwe). Embassy officials have paired the outreach news with practicalities and venue details will be announced provincially. Services are strictly walk-in during published windows; and all payments are electronic, no cash, aligning with earlier Consulate advisories to reduce fraud risk and speed up receipting. The Embassy in Pretoria has also maintained open contact lines on South Africa’s official foreign representatives directory for residents seeking clarifications. For many families, passports unlock not only cross-border mobility but access to banking, employment compliance and school admissions inside South Africa, where Home Affairs requires valid travel documents and clean visa pages on entry. For those planning trips, U.S. State Department guidance, often consulted by travellers globally, notes South Africa’s requirement that passports be valid 30 days beyond exit and contain two consecutive blank visa pages. The Zimbabwe Immigration Department continues to encourage online pre-applications for e-visas and permits for those returning home, complementing the diaspora outreach. Community leaders in Mpumalanga and Gauteng hailed the mobile model as a long-overdue bridge to service access beyond Johannesburg. Local coverage indicates outreach windows from late August, starting in eMalahleni and Mbombela, with further stops to be confirmed, timelines that dovetail with the Consulate’s cadence of public announcements and collection call-outs. However, officials caution against misinformation, stating that only schedules on Embassy and Consulate channels (and their named spokespeople) should be treated as authoritative. Persistent bottlenecks remain. Peak-day queues, document errors (particularly for first-time birth registrations) and constraints on biometric capture slots can slow throughput, and there is still no fully on-site “print-and-collect the same day” capability in South Africa. But the trajectory is clearer than a year ago with more outreach, more collections, steadier communications.

Joe Thomas On stage ( image source ) If nostalgia had a sound, it would be Joe Thomas easing into I Wanna Know  under an open Harare sky. On Tuesday night, the Grammy-nominated R&B star — known simply as Joe — headlined the Old Hararians Sports Club in a show billed One Night Only , delivering exactly that: a plush, grown-and-sexy evening where Harare’s R&B faithful time-travelled through the 1990s and 2000s with a velvet-voiced guide. Clips posted by The Herald  and other local outlets showed packed terraces, phone lights swaying, and Joe in classic crooner form — his band tight, his vocals unhurried and assured. This was not Joe’s first dance with the capital; he last performed in Harare in 2008. The local bill — ExQ and The Jukebox — set the table with radio-friendly hooks and live-band polish before veteran MC Tich Mataz did what he has done for a generation: keep the energy high and the transitions crisp. Old Hararians, better known for ODI cricket scoreboards than R&B set lists, has become a reliable big-stage venue in recent years. Its broad, gently rising sightlines and open-air acoustics gave the music room to breathe. The production team took full advantage — vocal mics sat high in the mix, and the rhythm section bloomed without drowning Joe’s signature melisma. Outside the turnstiles, the atmosphere was just as polished. Ticket queues moved smoothly, food trucks and merchandise stalls added colour, and months of promotional teasing paid off. Pricing was accessible — US$50–60 for general access, US$150–180 for VIP — and Joe’s media rounds in Harare ahead of the show reassured fans there would be no last-minute cancellations. When Joe finally stepped out in his trademark black jacket, Harare greeted him in the way it reserves for long-awaited legends — first, a hush, then a roar. While the full set list was still emerging at press time, fan videos confirmed the heavy hitters: the sing-along lift of All The Things (Your Man Won’t Do) , the tender glide of No One Else Comes Close , and the enduring I Wanna Know . Joe is one of those rare artists whose hits have aged like cedar — warmer with time, aromatic with memory. Even casual listeners found themselves mouthing the words; the superfans never stopped. The local openers more than held their own. ExQ, ever the crowd mechanic, leaned into his bangers, while The Jukebox brought arrangement craft and musicianship that translated beautifully to a large stage, earning cheers for familiar riffs and call-and-response breaks. There’s a broader story here too. Harare’s appetite for legacy R&B has been building since pre-Covid, but the past two years have brought sharper delivery, tighter stage management, better hospitality lanes, and clearer communication from promoters. Tuesday night felt like the culmination of those incremental gains — a grown-folk night out with minimal drama and a clean load-out. For Harare’s live music sector, every successful show is a proof-of-concept that draws the next one. Joe Thomas and his team delivered, and as the crowds filtered out into the cool Harare night, the mood was unanimous — this was a night worth remembering.

President Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah ( image source ) Over the past 48 hours, social media posts have asserted that Namibia’s President Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah “rejected a proposal from the Gates Foundation to conduct trials of a hormonal intrauterine device (IUD).” The claim spread across Facebook and Instagram slides and influencer reels, often using identical language. Crucially, Namibia’s Presidency has denied that such a proposal was presented to, or rejected by, the head of state. A widely shared local radio report summarised the Presidency’s position: there was no such decision by the president, and viral posts are misleading. In other words, the eye-catching claim is not backed by official documentation. Hormonal IUDs like Mirena and Liletta are not experimental novelties; they have been in widespread clinical use for years. In 2022, the U.S. Food & Drug Administration extended Mirena’s approved duration of use from seven to eight years, based on evidence of safety and efficacy in extended-use cohorts. While there is ongoing scientific work to refine how long existing devices can be used, advancing contraceptive options does not necessarily require “new” human trials in every country, because much of the foundational data already exists. From an ethical perspective, established frameworks for such research are robust and specific. The Council for International Organizations of Medical Sciences (CIOMS) guidelines and WHO toolkits lay out requirements for scientific value, fair participant selection, favourable risk–benefit balance, independent ethical review, informed consent, and post-trial access. This means that if a study were to happen in Namibia (or anywhere), it must be responsive to local health needs, reviewed by competent ethics bodies, and conducted with clear consent and protections. None of the viral posts referenced any registered trial protocol number, ethics-board decision, or principal investigator. The “rejection” claim hinges entirely on viral social content rather than traceable primary documents. Multiple posts have circulated on Facebook and Instagram, and a Kenya-based blog repackaged the claim. These are not primary sources. They do not point to a Namibian cabinet minute, a health-ministry memo, a Gates Foundation letter, or a clinical-trials registry entry. By contrast, the public denial from the Namibian side is an attributable statement. As journalists, it is our duty to weigh the denial more heavily than unsourced social media claims. However, the conversation has reopened a broader and valid debate: how to ensure contraceptive research in Africa is ethical, non-coercive, and aligned with local priorities. Scholarly literature underscores known risks, weak oversight in some settings, and power imbalances with funders, but also notes that exclusion from research can harm women by denying access to innovation and data that reflect their realities. The way forward is neither blanket rejection nor uncritical acceptance, but rigorous, transparent, locally governed research where there is a clear health need. Bottom line:  There is no verified evidence that President Nandi-Ndaitwah “rejected” a Gates Foundation hormonal-IUD trial. Namibia’s Presidency has publicly pushed back on the claim. Hormonal IUDs already have extensive safety and efficacy data, including eight-year approvals in the U.S., and any new trials would have to pass stringent ethical review. Until a registered protocol and official Namibian documentation appear, the viral narrative should be treated as unproven.

French DGSE in a Helicopter ( image source ) A dramatic claim is making the rounds on X and Facebook: that Mali’s intelligence and special forces have foiled a French DGSE -backed coup and assassination plot against transitional president Assimi Goïta and his allies. The story is gripping, but the evidence behind it is lacking. Online reviews of major international wires and trusted Africa desks have found no contemporaneous reporting to substantiate the allegation. There are no Reuters, AP, AFP, or BBC write-ups; no Malian government communiqué naming alleged plotters, dates, or arrests; and no French statement, denial, or investigation note. In other words, there is no credible evidence that such an event has occurred — which is what one would expect for something as dramatic as a coup. Mali’s turbulent recent history includes two coups in 2020 and 2021, and a documented assassination attempt on President Goïta in July 2021, when he was attacked with a knife during Eid prayers in Bamako. In May 2022, the junta claimed it had thwarted a “Western-backed” counter-coup led by army officers. These incidents are verified by reputable outlets and official statements from the time. However, none of these past events prove — or even suggest — a fresh DGSE plot in August 2025. They simply illustrate Mali’s instability and its reasons for heightened security measures. The current wave of claims appears to stem from social media accounts that often promote sensational, anti-French narratives about the Sahel. Posts are rich in slogans and patriotic imagery but sparse on dates, names, or documentary evidence. Some reuse old footage or generic “breaking” banners. None have provided a Malian government press release, a military spokesperson’s statement, or prosecutorial documents. In West Africa, when coups or attempted coups happen, governments typically announce arrests, identify military units, and display recovered weapons on state television. None of these hallmarks have been observed in this case. Meanwhile, credible outlets covering Mali are focused on verifiable developments, such as the detention and charging of former Prime Minister Moussa Mara over a social media post criticizing the shrinking democratic space. This underscores how quickly fabricated drama can overshadow the ongoing realities of military rule, human rights restrictions, and economic hardship. Publishing credible news is vital, especially when coup rumors can trigger panic, capital flight, and be weaponised by disinformation operations — both foreign and domestic. With Mali’s break from Paris, the presence of Russian contractors, and the formation of the Confederation of Sahel States with Burkina Faso and Niger, tensions are already high without unfounded stories inflaming the situation. Responsible journalism demands verification before amplification.