Search Results

A practical 5-step guide for Zimbabwean artists to formalise their work, access funding, protect their brand, and align with NDS2 as creativity becomes a structured, bankable industry ( image source ) Last week we took a detour into the ZIMURA soap opera. Necessary, yes but this week we’re climbing back onto the NDS2 horse before it gallops off without us. Let’s talk about a word that makes many creatives itch, formalisation. For decades, being a “starving artist” was worn like a struggle medal. You lived for the craft, avoided paperwork, and hoped inspiration would somehow pay school fees. But Zimbabwe in 2026 has moved on. Talent still opens doors but paperwork opens bank accounts. If you want access to State-backed funding, corporate sponsorships, export markets, or even decent royalty systems, you can’t operate as a ghost. Whether you’re a sculptor in Tengenenge, a rapper in Mbare, or a fashion designer in Bulawayo, the message is the same: art is now an industry. Step 1: Choose Your Business “Body” You don’t need a glass office in Borrowdale to be legit. Most creatives opt for a Private Business Corporation (PBC) affordable, simple, and ideal for solo artists or small groups. Many visual artists supplying galleries like Village Unhu operate this way. A Private Limited Company (Pvt Ltd) suits larger operations think production houses like Nash TV or established fashion labels such as Tapfuma Munenge. It costs more, but banks and international partners take it seriously. Step 2: Reserve Your Name Your name is your brand. Ask Winky D or Jah Prayzah brand protection is non-negotiable. Reserving your name with the Registrar of Companies locks it down and prevents “brand hijacking.” Once approved, you have 30 days to complete registration. Miss it, and someone else might scoop “YourName Arts” before you blink. Step 3: Get Your ZIMRA Tax Clearance (ITF263) This is the paperwork artists fear unnecessarily. Without a valid ITF263, any corporate client is legally required to withhold 30% of your payment. That’s not punishment it’s compliance. Artists like Ammara Brown and Tamy Moyo didn’t land brand deals by winging it. With tax clearance, you look professional, bankable, and ready for serious contracts. Step 4: Open a Business Bank Account NDS2 prioritises digital trade, exports, and formal financing. You can’t receive foreign royalties, apply for EmpowerBank loans, or access grants through a personal EcoCash line. Whether you’re an author like Tsitsi Dangarembga publishing internationally, or a sculptor exporting stone to Europe, a business account is essential. Step 5: Register with the National Arts Council of Zimbabwe (NACZ) NACZ registration isn’t cosmetic it’s strategic. It’s how artists get considered for NAMA, access training, receive endorsement letters for visas, and plug into international festivals. Dance groups like Iyasa and theatre outfits like Rooftop Promotions didn’t grow by staying informal. The Bottom Line Formalisation isn’t about surveillance it’s about protection and access. A registered entity separates your art from your personal life. If the business stumbles, your house doesn’t automatically go with it. Under NDS2, creativity isn’t a hobby it’s economic infrastructure. Stop being invisible. Pick up the paperwork. The new paintbrush is a pen and it pays far better. Get Involved:  For insights on translating policy into profit, email the writer at mdarawengozha@gmail.com  or WhatsApp +263 772 113 605 .

Education Minister Torerayi Moyo dismisses viral claims of a 100% ZIMSEC exam-fee hike for 2026 ( image source ) Harare — Primary and Secondary Education Minister Torerayi Moyo has publicly dismissed viral social-media reports claiming that the Zimbabwe School Examinations Council (ZIMSEC) increased public examination fees for 2026 by 100 percent. In a statement issued today, Minister Moyo said fees for Grade 7, Form 4 and Form 6 public examinations scheduled for November 2026 remain unchanged from 2025 and that the government’s 55 percent subsidy for eligible candidates is still in place. “I wish to inform the nation that the Zimbabwe School Examinations Council examination fees for 2026 have not been increased by 100% as purported on social media. It is a fabrication,” Minister Moyo said, urging the public to rely on official channels for accurate information. He clarified that the subsidy arrangement, which reduces the cost burden for candidates in government schools, has been maintained and that fees have not changed over the past five years. The minister also addressed confusion surrounding the June 2026 examination window, noting that candidates sitting those exams are typically private or repeat candidates and therefore do not qualify for the 55 percent government subsidy. “Candidates sitting the June public examinations will not qualify for the 55% government subsidy, as most are private or repeat candidates and do not fall within the scheme’s eligibility criteria,” he explained. ( image source ) Education stakeholders welcomed the clarification but urged ZIMSEC and the ministry to improve communication to prevent misinformation from spreading. School administrators said clear, timely notices are essential to reassure parents and learners and to allow schools to plan for payments and logistics. Parent-teacher associations called for continued transparency on fee structures and for targeted support to vulnerable families. The minister’s statement follows a period of heightened public sensitivity about education costs, with some communities reporting difficulties meeting school and examination fees. While the government’s subsidy reduces the direct cost for many candidates, education advocates say broader measures — including targeted bursaries and strengthened social-protection mechanisms — are needed to ensure equitable access to examinations and to reduce dropout risks. ZIMSEC has not issued a separate statement at the time of publication. The ministry encouraged members of the public to consult official ministry and ZIMSEC channels for authoritative updates and to report misleading posts to platform administrators.

Mahwindi4ED pays school fees for 150 vulnerable pupils in Mutare’s Sakubva and Dangamvura suburbs ( image source ) A ZANU-PF affiliate, Mahwindi for Economic Development (Mahwindi4ED), has paid school fees for 150 vulnerable learners across 10 government primary schools in Mutare, easing immediate financial pressure on struggling families in the high-density suburbs of Sakubva and Dangamvura. The payments, made on Friday by the organisation’s Manicaland chapter, covered 15 pupils at each school and totalled more than US$8,000. Beneficiaries in Sakubva were drawn from Zamba, Sakubva, Dangare, Chisamba and Mutanda primary schools, while Dangamvura recipients came from Rujeko, Sheni, Gimboki, Dangamvura and Chirovakanwe primary schools. The initiative was led by former Mutare Central MP Esau Mupfumi, ZANU-PF Mutare district coordinating committee secretary for education Shepherd Jojo, Mahwindi4ED adviser Jealous Mukorera and the organisation’s chairperson Herman Nyika. Mahwindi4ED officials said the programme responds to rising school dropouts and drug abuse among children who are unable to attend classes because of unpaid fees. Jealous Mukorera told NewsDay the group mobilised resources after recognising that unpaid fees were pushing some children into risky behaviours. “As Mahwindi for Economic Development, we managed to raise money and have paid school fees for 150 schoolchildren. Since we are still starting, we are going to grow bigger in the coming school terms,” Mukorera said. ( video source ) Organisers emphasised that the intervention is intended to be the start of a broader support programme. Herman Nyika said future phases will include the provision of stationery and other learning materials, and that the group is open to working with other stakeholders to expand impact. School heads who received the assistance on behalf of learners expressed gratitude, noting the payments will help keep vulnerable pupils in class and reduce the risk of dropouts. Mahwindi4ED leaders also addressed allegations that the group is violent, dismissing the claims as mischaracterisations. Mukorera said the organisation’s work is centred on community support and development and that the name Mahwindi should not be conflated with violent behaviour. “We are not violent; it is just a name people gave us. We help people and we are ready to assist communities in line with Vision 2030,” he said. Community advocates welcomed the immediate relief but urged that such interventions be complemented by systemic measures to reduce school fees burdens and improve social protection. Education stakeholders noted that one-off fee payments are valuable but that sustainable solutions require coordinated action from government, local authorities, NGOs and community groups to address the root causes of school non-attendance. The Mahwindi4ED initiative highlights how local civic actors and political affiliates can mobilise resources quickly to meet urgent needs. Observers say the challenge will be to scale such efforts and ensure transparency, targeting and long-term support so that short-term relief translates into sustained educational outcomes for vulnerable children.

Creative Business Academy for Africa launches its 2026 “IMPACT: Ecosystem Template” programme, expanding into music, film and fashion to incubate Africa’s next generation of creative-industry professionals ( image source ) Harare — The Creative Business Academy for Africa (CBAfA), formerly the Music Business Academy for Africa, has unveiled its 2026 programme under the theme “IMPACT: An Ecosystem Template,” signalling a strategic expansion beyond music into film and fashion to accelerate the continent’s creative economy. The Academy’s 2026 cohort will operate as a real-world business incubator, equipping participants with practical skills, industry networks and entrepreneurial experience across four integrated streams: Music Business, Film for Music, Fashion in Music and Talent Development. Operating under the Creative Talent Foundation, the Academy says the new model transforms classroom learning into a simulated industry environment where students assume defined roles within cross-sector creative companies. Over the course of the year, participants will collaborate to produce marketable outputs including EP projects, a student magazine, a podcast series and a live concert — providing tangible proof of concept and portfolio assets for emerging professionals. Godwin Tom, Founder of CBAfA and Managing Director of Sony Music Publishing Africa, framed the expansion as a maturation of the Academy’s mission. “Our original goal was to build a skilled workforce, but I’ve realised our purpose runs deeper. We are here to shape individuals with character, vision, network and competence who can truly transform Africa,” he said. The curriculum, developed with input from Professor Carlos Chirinos of New York University’s Music Business Programme, comprises 14 modules and more than 100 contact hours, delivered through an app-based learning management system, virtual sessions and an active WhatsApp community to ensure accessibility nationwide. ( image source ) Since its inception, CBAfA has trained over 1,500 alumni, many of whom now hold roles at major labels and publishing houses or run successful enterprises in publishing, management and PR. The 2026 edition aims to build on that track record by deepening cross-disciplinary collaboration and creating commercially viable ventures that can scale. Registration for the 2026 cohort is open until 27 February 2026, with the programme commencing on 7 February and culminating in graduation in November 2026. A songwriting, production and artist-development camp is scheduled for April–May. Prospective students can register via the online form or contact the Zimbabwe country partner, Tamuka Chigeda, for guidance. CBAfA is calling on corporates, NGOs and philanthropic partners to sponsor places through its Beneficiaries Fund. Organisers say sponsorships will broaden access for talented but financially constrained candidates and help build the infrastructure of Africa’s creative industries. How to Join: For Students: Register via the online form or contact the Zimbabwe partner to secure a place in the 2026 cohort. For Sponsors/Partners: Reach out to support the Beneficiaries Fund and align with African creative-industry development. Media Contact: Tamuka Chigeda Country Partner, Zimbabwe devanepr@gmail.com +263 71 933 8263

An analysis of the “Chamisa–Madhuku model” examines whether episodic mobilisation and rebranding in Zimbabwean opposition politics undermine long-term institution-building and sustainable political change ( image source ) The comparison between Nelson Chamisa and Lovemore Madhuku has moved from rhetorical shorthand to a substantive line of inquiry for analysts of Zimbabwean opposition politics. Critics argue both figures exemplify a political model that privileges episodic mobilisation, media visibility and donor engagement over durable institution-building. Framed this way, the “Madhuku strategy” — a term once used derisively by Robert Mugabe to describe headline-driven activism — becomes a useful lens for assessing contemporary opposition tactics. Observers who advance this critique say Chamisa’s trajectory illustrates a pattern of repeated rebranding and organisational flux. From the Movement for Democratic Change and its later permutations, through the MDC-Alliance and the Citizens Coalition for Change, to more recent, less formal civic initiatives, Chamisa’s political formations have often been described as fluid rather than institutional. Critics contend that such fluidity can enable rapid mobilisation and international visibility but also undermines internal accountability, continuity of local structures and long-term capacity to contest state power at scale. Those making the comparison with Madhuku point to a shared emphasis on episodic campaigns that attract international attention and funding. Madhuku’s National Constitutional Assembly, while influential in civic education and constitutional debate, was also criticised by some for evolving into a vehicle centred on its leader’s profile. Similarly, critics of Chamisa argue that repeated organisational resets can create a cycle in which supporters are mobilised emotionally and financially, only to be redirected into new formations when tactical or legal pressures arise. Supporters of Chamisa reject the analogy as reductive. They argue that Zimbabwe’s political environment — marked by legal restrictions, state repression and contested electoral processes — constrains conventional party development. From this perspective, adaptive branding and decentralised mobilisation are pragmatic responses to a hostile operating environment. Proponents also emphasise Chamisa’s capacity to galvanise youth engagement and diaspora activism, arguing that visibility and narrative control are essential in a media landscape where state actors dominate traditional channels. ( image source ) Analysts note trade-offs. Episodic mobilisation can sustain momentum and international solidarity, but without investment in local party structures, candidate development and grassroots governance, it may struggle to convert protest into electoral victory or institutional reform. The central question for opposition strategists is whether short-term visibility can be translated into durable organisational capacity that survives legal challenges, co-optation and donor fatigue. Ultimately, the Chamisa–Madhuku comparison surfaces a broader debate about opposition strategy in constrained democracies: is the priority to maximise immediate pressure and international sympathy, or to invest in the slow, unglamorous work of building resilient institutions? The answer will shape not only leadership reputations but the prospects for sustained political change in Zimbabwe

Outrage grows in Chitungwiza over a reported US$147,000 mayoral vehicle purchase, as residents question governance, transparency and spending priorities amid salary arrears and failing services ( image source ) A storm of public criticism has engulfed Chitungwiza municipality after reports that the mayor’s office acquired a high-end vehicle estimated at US$147,000. The purchase has provoked questions about fiscal priorities in a municipality grappling with salary arrears, failing service delivery and deteriorating infrastructure. Residents and civic groups say the timing and cost are tone-deaf. Chitungwiza faces persistent challenges: irregular refuse collection, pothole-ridden roads and intermittent water supply. For many community members, the controversy is not about the principle of providing an official vehicle for the mayor but about the model chosen and the opportunity cost of such expenditure in a cash-strapped council. Local activists argue a pragmatic, fuel-efficient vehicle would better serve municipal needs and reduce long-term maintenance burdens. “A car that is expensive to service and consumes high volumes of fuel is a poor fit for a council with limited resources,” said a community representative. Critics also warn of resale difficulties and the risk that servicing at authorised dealerships will divert scarce funds from frontline services. ( image source ) The Chitungwiza Progressive Residents Association has framed the purchase as symptomatic of deeper governance failures. Its secretary-general highlighted eight months of unpaid municipal salaries and alleged that procurement decisions lack transparency and adequate oversight. The Residents Trust has raised legal questions, claiming the council resolution authorising a mayoral vehicle may have been intended for a previous officeholder, a point that, if substantiated, could provide grounds for judicial review. Municipal officials have not publicly clarified procurement details or released a cost-benefit analysis. The absence of an official explanation has fuelled speculation and eroded public trust. Governance experts say best practice requires transparent tendering, clear asset-management plans and community consultation when high-value items are procured by cash-strapped local authorities. The controversy also underscores political dynamics at local level. Councillors reportedly said they were unaware of the purchase, suggesting possible lapses in internal controls or communication. For residents, the episode reinforces perceptions that municipal leadership is disconnected from everyday hardships. Moving forward, accountability measures could include an independent audit of the procurement process, publication of the vehicle’s acquisition paperwork and a council debate open to the public. Such steps would help restore confidence and clarify whether the purchase was justified or an avoidable misallocation of public resources. The Chitungwiza episode is a reminder that visible symbols of status can become lightning rods when basic services fail. For local leaders, the lesson is stark: in times of fiscal strain, procurement decisions must be defensible, transparent and aligned with the immediate needs of the communities they serve.

A South African study finds blood contamination and Hepatitis B DNA on barber clippers, warning of infection risks in clean-shave haircuts and highlighting urgent hygiene and vaccination needs for Zimbabwe ( image source ) A University of Cape Town study led by Professor Nonhlanhla Khumalo found widespread blood contamination on barber clippers and detectable Hepatitis B (HBV) DNA, highlighting a real transmission risk in clean-shave haircuts common across southern Africa. Published in the South African Medical Journal (November 2025), the study sampled one clipper from each of 50 barbers after clean-shave haircuts and tested rinses for haemoglobin beta (a blood marker), HIV and HBV using PCR methods. Forty-two percent of clippers were positive for haemoglobin beta, confirming blood contamination; 8% tested positive for HBV, and two samples yielded HBV DNA on qualitative PCR. Although HIV was not detected on the sampled clippers, the researchers emphasised that HBV DNA levels were sufficient to pose a transmission risk, and that “invisible bleeding” micro-injuries not noticed by barbers or clients can enable blood-to-tool-to-blood exposure. The study also reported an association between visible haircut bleeding and higher HIV prevalence among men in the cohort, with an odds ratio of 2.51, underscoring bleeding as a marker of exposure risk. ( image source ) Many Zimbabwean barbershops use similar clean-shave techniques and informal hygiene practices. Key interventions should include mandatory barber training on sterilisation, routine disinfection of clippers (or single-use guards), public awareness campaigns about bleeding risks, and expanded HBV vaccination and screening in high-risk communities. Regulators and health ministries are urged to prioritise practical, low-cost measures — clipper disinfection protocols, visible hygiene signage in shops, and accessible vaccination — to reduce transmission risk.

Sobukhazi High pupils were sent home after a secret WhatsApp group shared explicit content, cyberbullying and risky party plans, prompting safeguarding action and calls for stronger digital supervision ( image source ) A group of pupils at Sobukhazi High School in Bulawayo have been temporarily sent home after school authorities uncovered a secret WhatsApp channel allegedly used to share explicit material, cyberbullying content and invitations to risky informal gatherings known locally as Vuzu Parties. The channel, which circulated under the name “2k Dopest Nation,” has been shut down, but its contents have provoked alarm among parents, teachers and community leaders. School sources say the group was created and administered by learners, all minors. Screenshots circulating among parents reportedly show offensive jokes, targeted mockery of classmates, online shaming and posts glorifying alcohol and drug use. Polls in the group allegedly asked members to rank classmates as the “hottest” boy, “prettiest” girl or most talked-about couple — actions that left some pupils humiliated and emotionally distressed. While no sexual acts have been reported or proven, school authorities judged the discussions and encouragement of risky gatherings to be dangerous and inappropriate for minors. ( image source ) Several parents and guardians told the school that many implicated learners live in households where parents are abroad, leaving children in the care of elderly relatives or guardians. “Most of these kids stay alone or with grandparents. Phones are their parents,” said a source familiar with the matter. School officials say this dynamic has complicated supervision and contributed to the spread of harmful online behaviour. When administrators discovered the WhatsApp channel, they summoned implicated learners and their guardians for disciplinary hearings. According to multiple accounts, the process was disrupted when some pupils allegedly presented false guardians — local individuals purportedly paid to pose as parents. School staff became suspicious when some of the adults could not provide basic information about the children they claimed to represent. Once the deception was uncovered, the school excused the learners from attending classes temporarily while the matter was escalated to their officially registered parents or guardians. The temporary exclusion has left several pupils at home and triggered anxiety among caregivers who fear for the children’s academic progress. “We are waiting for 14 February. We don’t know what will happen,” said one guardian who asked not to be named. “I’m worried because I cannot afford to move my grandchild to another school.” Another parent appealed for a balanced approach, saying, “It is painful to see a child sitting at home. I hope they are allowed back.” Sobukhazi High headmaster Cain Ncube declined to comment. A school official speaking on condition of anonymity said the learners were not expelled or formally suspended but were excused as a corrective measure. “Our role is to guide and mould children. When they go off course, we must redirect them. We will never chase a child away from school,” the official said, adding that parental responsibility is central to preventing recurrence. The episode has prompted calls for stronger digital-safety education, clearer school policies on phone use, and community engagement to support guardianship where parents live abroad. According to the 2022 census, nearly 909,000 Zimbabweans live in the diaspora — a reality that continues to shape supervision and discipline for children left behind. At Sobukhazi, the 2k Dopest Nation saga is a reminder of the thin line between teenage mischief and conduct that can cause lasting harm, and of the urgent need for coordinated responses from schools, families and social services.

Thomas Mapfumo will return to Zimbabwe in April 2026 for a final homecoming performance, marking an emotional farewell by the Chimurenga music icon and national cultural legend ( image source ) Dr Thomas Tafirenyika Muchadura Mukanya Mapfumo — the Lion of Zimbabwe and a towering figure in Chimurenga music — has announced he will return to Zimbabwe in April 2026 for a special curtain-call performance expected to be his final live appearance in the country. The announcement follows Mapfumo’s formal retirement from live performances in August 2025 and has been greeted with anticipation and emotion by fans and cultural commentators. Mapfumo, who has lived in Oregon for more than two decades, is widely regarded as the father of Chimurenga music — a genre that fused traditional Shona rhythms with electric instrumentation and became the soundtrack of Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle. Over a career spanning decades, his songs — from early anthems to later protest pieces such as Pfumvu Paruzevha and Corruption — combined musical innovation with fearless social and political commentary, earning him a place among Africa’s most influential musicians. His last major homecoming concert, a sold-out show at Glamis Arena in Harare on 28 April 2018, was a landmark event that marked his return after years in self-imposed exile. That performance, which featured a rare shared stage with the late Oliver “Tuku” Mutukudzi, was widely remembered for its emotional intensity and symbolic resonance. The planned April 2026 concert is being framed as a final homecoming — a cultural moment that will allow Zimbabweans to celebrate Mapfumo’s legacy in person. Organisers say the exact date and venue will be announced in due course and that preparations are under way to ensure the event honours Mapfumo’s stature while accommodating the thousands of fans expected to attend. Promoters and cultural custodians are mindful of the logistical and security demands of staging a high-profile concert and have indicated they will work with relevant authorities and heritage bodies to preserve the dignity of the occasion. ( video source ) For many Zimbabweans, Mapfumo’s music is inseparable from national memory. His songs chronicled the hopes and frustrations of ordinary people and provided a platform for critique when public discourse was constrained. As such, the curtain-call performance is likely to be more than a concert: it will be a national moment of reflection on music, memory and the role of artists in public life. Fans and cultural institutions have already begun planning tributes and archival projects to coincide with the homecoming, and veteran musicians have expressed a desire to participate in a programme that honours Mapfumo’s influence. While Mapfumo has signalled that he will step back from live performance, his recordings and the musicians he inspired will continue to shape Zimbabwean music for generations. As the country awaits formal details, the announcement has rekindled conversations about cultural preservation, the social role of music and the importance of marking the careers of artists who have helped define national identity. For many, April 2026 will be an opportunity to say thank you to the Lion of Zimbabwe and to witness, perhaps for the last time, a living legend on home soil.

Zimbabwean musicians confronted ZIMURA in a historic protest over royalties, governance and transparency, as Chief Hwenje’s fiery address symbolised growing industry unrest ( image source ) If you wandered past the Zimbabwe College of Music this past Monday, you might have thought a once-in-a-generation collaboration was loading. Trevor Dongo. Seh Calaz. Guspy Warrior. Ndunge Yuti. Chief Hwenje. All present. All serious. But there were no microphones, no soundchecks, and no hype men shouting “levels.” What filled the air instead was frustration — thick, heavy, and long overdue. I’ve covered Zimbabwe’s music industry long enough to recognise a “crisis meeting.” Usually, it’s three disgruntled musicians, a plastic chair, and a warm Fanta. Monday was different. This was not noise. This was pressure. This was the day the Zimbabwean artist finally got tired of being the only person in the music industry who doesn’t get paid. From Classroom to Confrontation What began as a meeting at the College turned into a march — not chaotic, not violent, but deliberate. Artists walked to ZIMURA offices demanding answers, not favours. They were not there to sing. They were there to audit. At the centre of the gathering stood board members Dereck Mpofu, Joseph Garakara, and Gift Amuli, men who didn’t whisper complaints — they signed their names to them. Allegations of board capture, illegal voting, questionable asset disposals, and royalty opacity were laid bare. But the real turning point came when the artists were refused entry into their own building. Instead of the board, they were met outside by Deputy Director Henry Makombe, addressing them like unruly tenants rather than shareholders. That’s when the mood shifted. When Chief Hwenje Roared Chief Hwenje doesn’t speak often. When he does, people listen. Standing among younger artists, the veteran musician unleashed what can only be described as a lion’s roar — not insults, not theatrics, but cold, factual fire. He recited figures. Asked pointed questions about collections versus distributions. Queried why artists earning airplay across the country were receiving royalties that wouldn’t cover kombi fare. Witnesses say Makombe visibly shrank. “This is not noise,” Hwenje thundered. “These are facts. This is our money. And you will answer.” There are moments in history when elders stop being ceremonial and become dangerous — dangerous to lies. This was one of them. Younger artists fell silent. Phones came out. The mood hardened. The fortress walls cracked. The Fortress of Silence Crumbles ZIMURA has long operated like a medieval stronghold: easy to feed, impossible to question. Calling the gathering “unauthorised” only deepened the insult. These artists are the owners. Calling them outsiders is like telling a farmer he needs permission to harvest his own maize. When board members abandon the boardroom and stand with artists in the street, you don’t have a communications problem — you have a legitimacy crisis. The “Goodchild” Board and Old Shadows Then there’s the current leadership — the Goodchild-led board — which many artists now openly describe as a costume change, not reform. The name whispered loudly is Albert Nyathi, a cultural giant whose long shadow still looms over the institution. Many believe the old guard never left; they simply swapped chairs. Grievances remain unresolved: the murky Avondale property sale, unanswered governance questions, and the continued tenure of an Executive Director whose legal standing has been challenged in court. These are not rumours. These are documented concerns now discussed in public, by artists with nothing left to lose. NDS2 Meets Street Reality Here’s where the grumpy old man in me clears his throat. We keep talking about NDS2 and turning the arts into an economic engine. But how do you industrialise music when the collection house behaves like a black box? You cannot build an industry on silence and intimidation. ZIMURA is supposed to be the engine room. Right now, it’s overheating, leaking oil, and refusing to open the bonnet. The Verdict Monday was historic. Artists stood together — not divided by genre or chart position. Hunger is the great unifier. You can only tell a musician to “wait for the next distribution cycle” so many times before he stops clapping politely and starts knocking on doors. Loudly. ZIMURA now faces a choice: radical transparency or terminal irrelevance. A forensic audit, real reform, and the removal of entrenched interests — or a slow fade into silence. The gloves are off. The elders have spoken. The artists are awake. And when Chief Hwenje roars, even fortresses listen. Ko dzorirazve!

ZIMSEC withholds three A-Level Computer Science results at Bikita Fashu High ( image source ) The Zimbabwe Schools Examination Council (ZIMSEC) has withheld the 2025 Advanced Level Computer Science results of three candidates from Bikita Fashu High School in Masvingo Province while it investigates suspected examination irregularities.  ZIMSEC spokesperson Nicky Dhlamini confirmed the action and said the school has 42 days to submit a written explanation and supporting documentation to account for the irregularities detected. “If we withhold results it means that there is something unusual that we picked,” Dhlamini said.  Of the six candidates who sat the subject at Bikita Fashu, three results were released an A for Tinotenda Chinhondo, a B for Godwill Matsvimbo and a C for Langton Manyanda while the results for Takudzwa Manunure, Tadiwanashe Garandiya and Rutendo Jamayo remain withheld pending the outcome of the probe.  ZIMSEC’s withholding procedure is designed to protect the integrity of national examinations while allowing centres to explain anomalies. The council’s 42-day window is standard practice: schools must present evidence, after which ZIMSEC will either release results, apply penalties, or refer cases for further disciplinary action if malpractice is substantiated.  ( image source ) One affected candidate, Tadiwanashe Garandiya, said he complied with ZIMSEC’s request and wrote a report but expressed concern that some students may have been coached on how to prepare those statements. His mother, Beatrice Bhinzi, said she had not been formally informed about the reasons for the withholding.  Attempts to reach Bikita Fashu headmaster Happison Dima and Computer Science teacher Amina Debora Dzoro were unsuccessful. ZIMSEC said it will make a final determination once the school’s submissions and any follow-up enquiries are complete within the stipulated period.  ZIMSEC has reported improvements in exam security in recent years, citing a reduction in large-scale leaks and cheating incidents, but isolated cases continue to test the system’s capacity to enforce standards and protect candidates’ rights. The council’s approach balances due process for schools and safeguarding the credibility of national qualifications.  ZIMSEC will review the school’s report and any corroborating evidence; if explanations are unsatisfactory, sanctions can include cancellation of results, suspension of centre registration, or referral for criminal investigation where warranted. Parents and candidates are advised to follow official ZIMSEC communications for updates.

Second-hand vehicle imports: mobility lifeline or toxic legacy? ( image source ) Every day Zimbabwe’s ports and border posts receive hundreds of second-hand vehicles from markets such as Japan and the United Kingdom affordable transport that underpins livelihoods and public mobility. But environmental and public-health experts warn many imports carry embedded hazardous materials asbestos, mercury switches, lead-acid batteries and contaminated oils that can become toxic waste when vehicles reach end of life. Customs inspections at entry points like Beitbridge and Chirundu focus on documentation, duties and stolen-vehicle checks; they are not designed to dismantle cars to detect hazardous components. ZIMRA says hazardous-waste control falls under the Environmental Management Agency (EMA), which enforces the Bamako Convention domestically through the Environmental Management Act. In practice, however, vehicle interiors and components are rarely inspected for toxic materials.  EMA officials have acknowledged enforcement gaps: second-hand vehicles are not routinely examined for hazardous parts, and regulatory attention tends to be reactive, addressing disposal rather than preventing hazardous imports. That enforcement gap shifts the burden downstream to informal dismantlers and scrapyards, where unsafe practices are common. ( image source ) When asbestos brake pads are ground, mercury switches smashed, batteries cracked and oil dumped, toxins enter soil, water and air. Informal recyclers often young men working without protective equipment face chronic exposure to carcinogens and neurotoxins, while communities near scrapyards bear long-term health and environmental costs.  Experts point to a structural driver: strict ELV (end-of-life vehicle) rules in exporting countries make domestic disposal costly, creating incentives to export older vehicles rather than recycle them at source. The result is an externalisation of environmental risk to importing countries with weaker enforcement capacity. Practical steps and policy options: Strengthen border screening by equipping EMA and ZIMRA with technical capacity to identify hazardous components.  Mandate importer responsibility for safe dismantling and disposal, backed by licensing and penalties. Scale up HBV-style public awareness and protective-equipment programmes for informal recyclers and scrapyard workers. Without policy shifts and investment in enforcement, Zimbabwe risks trading short-term mobility gains for a long-term public-health and environmental debt a silent crisis on wheels that will be harder and costlier to reverse the longer it is ignored.